‘Speculative Vacancies’ – The Empty Properties Ignored By Statistics

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By Catherine Cashmore

There have been four housing affordability inquiries since the early 2000s.

The “First Home Ownership” inquiry by the Productivity Commission (2004). The Senate Select Committee inquiry into housing affordability (2008). The inquiry into affordable housing by the Senate Economics References Committee (2014), and the current Inquiry into home ownership by the Standing Committee on Economics (2015).

The central recommendation of each inquiry has been to increase the supply of affordable housing.

However, missing from the analysis is any mention of the number of long-term vacant dwellings held for speculative gain across Australia’s major capital cities – not for sale, and not for rent.

Because they are not publicly advertised, these properties are overlooked by current short-term vacancy statistics based on reporting by real estate firms.

Prosper Australia’s annual Speculative Vacancies report uncovers these latent holdings. Using water data as a proxy, we provide a unique insight into the number and ratio of long-term vacancies withheld from the market for a full 12-month period in Melbourne.

Stratified by postcode, the report provides a detailed study to enlighten government on sound policy recommendations to drive prosperity and assist housing affordability.

We cannot have a serious conversation about Australia’s housing supply ‘crisis’ without addressing the fundamental drivers that permit – no-less encourage – owners to lay a significant proportion of prime urban land to waste.

There are many diverse motivating factors prompting owners to leave buildings idle. Some may be undergoing renovation or awaiting demolition. Others may be derelict and in need of substantial and costly repairs.

However, the notable trend underlying the data is the large divergence between residential real estate prices and rental incomes – including both actual and imputed rents on owner-occupation.

During the 2014/2015 financial year alone, Melbourne’s median capital city land price accelerated over 14 per cent.

At just over $700,000, Melbourne’s median house price is 8.8 times median income. Yet, at just 3 per cent, gross rental yields in Melbourne are at their lowest on record.

Real net rental incomes across Australia have been declining since 2001. Between 1994 and 2013, the number of negatively geared investors dependent on rising prices to profit escalated 152 per cent. In contrast, positively geared investors have increased by a much lesser 47 per cent.

The overwhelming majority of negatively geared investors (95 per cent) chase the capital gains associated with existing stock, rather than investing into new residential construction. Australia’s housing stock has been turned into little more than a vehicle for financial speculation, placing increasing pressure on prices.

To evidence further, since 1997, the share of loans for housing has increased from 47 per cent to 66 per cent. Only approximately 10 per cent of the flow of housing finance has been for the construction of new dwellings. Meanwhile, the ratio of business credit to total credit has been declining since the late 1980s.

Credit extended for enterprise is proven to be positively associated with economic growth and faster reductions in income inequality. Household credit (principally mortgage debt) provides no such benefit. Rather, it leads to a misallocation of credit, to feed an elevated level of speculative rent-seeking demand.

It is important to note that increasing land values are not borne from any productive activity undertaken by the owner who (as the classical economist John Stewart Mill termed it) “grows rich in their sleep without working, risking or economising.”

Rather, the value of land reflects its surrounds, growing primarily through increased demand generated by government-funded infrastructure.

Rising land-values yield a special type of unearned income known as “economic rent.”

As a broad measure, land prices can be calculated by multiplying current rents by 20 years. This is known as the capitalisation rate.

It is speculation induced by the capitalisation of the rental value of land into a tradable commodity that drives the boom-bust volatility of the real estate cycle.

Withholding prime locations from the market in an unused state generates artificial scarcity, raising prices and accelerating mortgage debt.

It underpins our cultural obsession of betting on bourgeoning land-price gains and using leverage to climb the mythological property ladder.

The consequential subversion to policy reform is inevitable, as the benefits of government-funded infrastructure flow disproportionately to landowners in the form of unearned windfall gains.

Large divergences between rental income and land price inflation are an unhealthy challenge to both housing affordability and economic stability.

They lead to ‘speculative vacancies.’

These are properties that are denied to thousands of tenants and potential owner-occupiers by landowners that have no motivation to generate any rental income. The result is a lowering of publicised vacancy rates, and increased land prices.

The regulatory environment provides a prime motivator for property speculation.

Landowners betting on a continuation of past high rates of appreciation are advantaged by preferential tax exemptions worth an estimated $36 billion a year.

Negative gearing coupled with the 50 per cent capital gains tax (CGT) discount for property held in excess of 12 months, have ensured high-income individuals are the main beneficiaries of rising land values. The top 40 per cent of income earners hold nearly 80 per cent of all investor mortgage debt.

First home buyer grants and other state incentives such as stamp duty waivers, owner-occupier exemptions from CGT and state land tax (SLT), changes to the superannuation laws enabling leverage into real estate (2007) – typify the commodification of property as a tool for profit seeking gain, advantaging existing owners vis-à-vis the young and the poor.

These incentives strip away any hope of a market aspiring to house people, rather than encouraging speculative greed. Policies that foster land price inflation and reward rent-seeking behaviour cannot deliver positive economic outcomes.

The IMF finds more than two-thirds of the world’s recent 50 systemic banking crises were caused by patterns of accelerating real estate prices relative to GDP.

A comprehensive analysis of historical data demonstrates a clear pattern of repeating real estate and construction cycles topping-out some 24-48 months prior to the world’s major economic downturns.

This cyclical top has been a precursor to all of Australia’s economic recessions.

Yet, it is not the recession that damages the economy. The damage arises from mounting levels of leveraged debt extended for the purpose of land speculation.

In a little over two decades, the share of investment property loans as a proportion of total debt has tripled from one-tenth to three-tenths.

Investors now account for 40 per cent of total housing loans outstanding.19 Australia is the third most indebted household sector relative to GDP in the OECD.

At just over $2 trillion,21 the unconsolidated household debt to GDP ratio sits at an eye-watering 121.5 per cent.

The burden of diverting an ever-increasing proportion of incomes to debt-servicing by both business and buyers has progressively undermined the health and competitiveness of the Australian economy.

The long-term risks to our financial system are precarious. The economic impacts for low- to middle-income Australian’s are disastrous.

Ownership for 15-34 year olds has been in a downward trend since the mid 1970s. For 35-44 year olds, since the mid 1980s.

Even those able to step onto the fabled property ladder, long-term security of tenure is not guaranteed. Significant numbers are ‘churning’ on the edges of owner occupation.

Between 2001 and 2010, one in five homeowners (22 per cent) dropped out of home ownership – for 9 per cent, this move was enduring.

For those that do purchase, there is a spike in the chances of a termination back into rental housing after just one year.

Importantly, the trend is accompanied with episodes of poor health, unemployment and financial stress.

After exiting homeownership, 34 per cent of Australian ex-home owners require access to housing assistance. Additionally, one in 10 Australians has been homeless at least once in their lives.

The incidence of housing stress for owner-occupiers declines with age, however, for long-term tenants and those under 35 years, it remains stubbornly high.

Current policy cements this demographic at the bottom of the pile.

Ineffective use of residential and commercial sites further stimulates the volatility and inequity of the real estate cycle. Land’s locational supply cannot be increased to accommodate rising demand. Buildings banked and withheld from use exacerbate this disparity.

As such, the SV rate can be likened to the unemployment rate for land.

It results in the productive capacity of the economy being ruthlessly compromised as citizens and businesses are forced to pay higher prices and commute greater distances for employment and lifestyle needs.

Prosper Australia’s Speculative Vacancies report gives a unique insight into the impact of current housing policy.

The report identifies 82,724 residential dwellings and 30,085 commercial properties in Greater Melbourne likely vacant for a period of 12-months or more.

As government and real estate industry vacancy statistics are neither impartial nor comprehensive, this report adds a valuable dimension to understanding the divergence between real estate industry short term vacancy rates (the percentage of properties available for rent as a proportion of the total rental stock) and the number of potentially vacant properties exacerbating Australia’s housing crisis.

We advocate these figures should correlated along side our Speculative Vacancy findings to produce the widest and clearest measure of vacant housing supply to guide policy makers.

Read the report

… extract from Executive Summary:

....If just those residential properties consuming 0LpD were placed onto the market for rent, this would increase Melbourne’s actual vacancy rate to 8.3 per cent. If 82,724 properties using under 50LpD were advertised for rent, the vacancy rate could rise to an alarming 18.9%. (1)

Further examination of 130,610 non-residential properties across 254 postcodes over the same period identifies 7,941 or 6.1 per cent of Melbourne’s commercial stock was also vacant over 2014, i.e. having consumed 0LpD.

Government failure to address Australia’s housing affordability crisis is indefensible. Access to affordable shelter is a basic human right and underlies national prosperity.

Vacant properties impose a needless economic burden. Residents and businesses are forced to leapfrog vacancies to lesser sites at great cost, increasing commuting times and placing upward pressure on prices.

Latent supply is usually not visible without a significant downturn in economic activity. If withheld stock were put to use, it would reduce cost-of-living pressures for tens of thousands of low and middle-income families and businesses marginalised by the cost of land.

This report recommends fundamental reforms to reduce the propensity for volatile boom-bust land cycles fuelled by speculation and unsustainable levels of household debt.

Current property taxes discourage investment into new housing, inflate the cost of land, stagnate housing turnover and hinder putting property to its highest and best use.

The report advocates that profound inefficiencies could be significantly alleviated if current transaction taxes were phased out and replaced with a holding tax levied on the unimproved value of land, alongside enhanced infrastructure financing methods for new developments.

Policy makers have thus far ignored Melbourne’s speculative vacancies and their effect on property prices.

With some 4.8 per cent of Melbourne’s houses showing severe under-utilisation, there is no housing supply crisis. Rather, rising prices indicate significant distortions created by policies supporting rent-seeking behaviour.

Government and statistical bodies need to recognise this disparity and employ a more comprehensive data analysis of vacant housing stock.

Read the report

Footnotes:

[1] Residential per capita consumption in Melbourne is currently 183 LpD.

http://www.afr.com/real-estate/leaky-data-water-use-shines-a-light-on-occupancy-20151207-glhewz

http://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2015-12-08/nobody-s-home-australian-boom-leaves-swathe-of-empty-properties

http://www.news.com.au/finance/real-estate/shocking-number-of-melbourne-properties-left-vacant-despite-huge-housing-demand/news-story/4dc12b7033d1e43e91458b673fdabf79

http://www.domain.com.au/news/nearly-20-per-cent-of-melbournes-investorowned-homes-empty-20151209-glixgs/

http://www.businessspectator.com.au/news/2015/12/9/property/vacant-properties-soar-victoria

http://www.macrobusiness.com.au/2015/12/the-melbourne-ghost-city-revealed-2/

Also covered by “Friendly Jordies

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=clC_vIlbtME

Government Inaction on Australia’s Housing Affordability Crisis is Indefensible

The fact that Australia has an affordability crisis is not in dispute. Rather, government inaction for more than a decade must be questioned.

Since the early 2000s, there have been three Senate Inquiries to tackle Australia’s escalating land values and declining rates of homeownership, including Australia’s Future Tax System Review that made a number of recommendations on housing reform.

The first inquiry conducted by the Productivity Commission in 2004, determined that prices had surpassed levels explicable by demographic factors and supply constraints alone. They stressed that a large surge in demand had rather been “predicated on unrealistic expectations (in a ‘supportive’ tax environment) of on going capital gains.”

The second inquiry overseen by a Select Senate Committee in 2008, found that the average house price in capital cities had climbed to over seven years of average earnings and once again, they identified inequitable disparities in the overall fairness of the tax system, that had lead to “speculative investment on second and third properties.”

Australia’s Future Tax System’ review conducted in May 2010, stated that tax benefits and exemptions had been capitalised into higher land values, encouraging investors to chase ‘large’ capital gains over rental income and landowners to withhold supply.

The third and last inquiry which is currently being conducted by the Senate Economics References Committee commencing in March 2014, received a key submission from Prosper Australia examining nine chief economic measures of land, debt, and finance – and found all to be at, or close to historic highs.

Egan_Soos_01

“It took forty years from 1950 to 1990 for housing prices to double, but only fifteen years between 1996 and 2010 to double again.” (Soos, Egan 2014).

The submission demonstrated a sharp rise in the nominal house price to inflation, rent and income ratios, driven by a rapid and unsustainable acceleration of mortgage-debt relative to GDP.

The current trend dwarfs the recessionary land bubbles of the 1830s, 1880s, 1920s, mid-1970s and late 1980s that triggered economic havoc, leading Australian households to suffer some of the highest levels of private debt in the developed world.

Egan_Soos_08

Today, the investor share of the market is close to 50 per cent. Investor finance commitments are rising at their fastest pace since 2007. Sixty-five per cent of loans to investors are on interest only terms and 95 per cent of all bank lending is being channelled into real estate – mostly residential.

Yet despite these findings, policy makers and industry advocates repeatedly claim that the primary driver of Australia’s affordability crisis is a lack of supply – and that increasing the stock of housing alone, will reduce prices enough to rectify the problem without the need to address the demand side of the equation through necessary and far-reaching tax reform.

Ultimately, this is not possible because our policies work directly against it.

Investor and housing tax exemptions worth an estimated $36 billion a year, have distorted the Australian dream of owning a home into a vehicle for financial speculation.

Consequently, rising land values that impoverish the most vulnerable sectors of our community are widely celebrated – while Australia’s federal members of parliament in possession of a $300 million personal portfolio of residential dwellings, stand solidly against all recommendations from previous Senate Inquiries for meaningful and equitable tax reform.

Poli investments

“The trends in the data suggest a sizeable majority of federal politicians have a vested interest in maintaining high housing prices, particularly since most have mortgages over their own investments.” (Egan, Soos and David)

Under current tax policy, investors that withhold primary land and dilapidated housing out of use are rewarded with substantial unearned incomes due to government failure to collect the economic land rent (the ‘capital gains’) society generates through public investment into social services.

The subsequent uplift in values that comes as the result of neighbourhood upgrades and taxpayer funded facilities – further accelerated by plentiful mortgage debt and restrictive zoning constraints, capitalises into the upfront cost of land by tens of thousands of dollars year on year. Yet rental incomes, at typically no more than $18,000 to $19,000 per annum are a mere trifle in comparison.

In the 12 months to September 2014 alone, Melbourne’s median house price increased by 11.7 per cent – over $60,000. In contrast, gross rental yields at 3.3 per cent are currently the lowest in the country and the lowest on record.

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This broadening divergence between rental income and ‘capital growth’ typifies the commodification of housing used only as a tool for profit-seeking gain.

Indeed, net rental incomes in Australia have been declining since 2001. Growth in both the relative and absolute number of negatively-geared investors between 1994 and 2012 has soared by 153 per cent. In contrast, positively-geared investors have increased by a much lesser 31 per cent.12

Large divergences between rental income and land price inflation thus produce an unhealthy challenge to both housing affordability and economic stability.

They lead to ‘speculative vacancies’ (SVs) – properties that are denied to thousands of tenants and potential owner-occupiers, lowering relative vacancy rates and placing upwards pressure on both rents and prices. The housing supply crisis is therefore greatly obscured by current vacancy measures that cannot identify sites that are withheld from the market for rent-seeking purposes.

The consequential subversion of housing policy is evident when it is considered that since 1996 Australia has built on average one new dwelling for every two new net persons nation wide. Yet over the same period, government legislation, politically manufactured to protect the unearned profits of a large cohort of speculative investors, has resulted in vacant median land prices on the fringes of Australia’s capital cities ballooning from approximately $90 per square metre in 1996, to over $530 per square metre today.

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Indeed, there is no better example of the astonishing escalation of land price inflation than the very recent report of a Melbourne family who purchased a 108 hectare Sunbury ‘hobby farm’ in 1982 for $300,000 and following new residential rezoning, have realised an estimated windfall gain of over $60 million.

This means of ‘creating wealth’ common in most western nations sits at the root of many of our current economic and social problems. Our tax and housing policies shift income to landowners, eroding the living standards of future generations of Australians who are required to shoulder an increasing burden of debt just to secure a foothold on the fabled ‘property ladder’.

The effect is to broaden the intergenerational divide as families are forced to live on the threshold, marginalised into areas lacking essential amenities and jobs, while 92 per cent of speculative investment into real estate pursues the ‘capital gains’ associated with second-hand dwellings, rather than increasing the stock of housing through the purchase of new supply.

Aided by a complicit banking system, Australia’s rising house prices produce wide ranging inefficiencies to the economy. High land prices damage Australia’s competitiveness with higher living costs. The resulting demand on both business and wages channels investment away from genuine value adding activities, leading to a gross and wasteful misallocation of credit to feed an elevated level of speculative rent-seeking demand.

The debilitating and destabilising effect on the economy can be evidenced clearly in a painful and rising trend of income and housing inequality that places an unsustainable strain on the capacity of the welfare state to compensate.

Australian’s like to think of themselves as a ‘fair go society –however, inequitable disparities in our housing, tax and supply policies result in an English-style class divide, evidenced in:

  • Fewer Australians owning their homes outright [i]
  • A rising percentage of long-term tenants renting for a period of 10 years or more[ii]
  • A decrease in the number of low income buyers obtaining ownership, particularly families with children [iii]
  • A drop in the number of affordable rental dwellings with a marked increase in the number of households in rental stress[iv]
  • Greater requirements for public housing.[v]
  • A rise in homeless percentages and those who drift in and out of secure rental accommodation –with ongoing intergenerational effects[vi]
  • An increase in the number of residents living in severely crowded accommodation.[vii]

As many as 105,000 Australians are currently homeless, while between the dates of 1991 and 2011 homeownership among 25-34 year olds has declined from 56 per cent to 47 per cent, among 35-44 year olds from 75 per cent to 64 per cent, and among 45-54 year olds from 81 per cent to 73 per cent.

Homelessness is often blamed on dysfunctional relationships, mental illness, drug abuse, domestic violence, job losses and so forth. But at the root lays an acute lack of affordable accommodation available for the most impoverished members of our community in need of both security and shelter.

‘Speculative Vacancies 7’ gives a unique insight into the impact of current housing policy by highlighting the total number of underutilised and empty residential and commercial properties currently withheld from market.

Melbourne is a perfect case study for this report.

• Its real estate is ranked among the most expensive in the developed world
• It has dominated Australia’s population growth, attracting the largest proportion of overseas immigrants, alongside strong immigration from interstate.

As government and the real estate industry are not sources of impartial information, the report adds a valuable dimension to understanding the divergence between real estate industry short-term vacancy rates (the percentage of properties available for rent as a proportion of the total rental stock) and the number of potentially vacant properties exacerbating Australia’s housing crisis.

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Download Speculative Vacancies 7.

Read past reports

Related media:

(Footnotes)

[i]ABS – In 1996/7, 42% of households owned their home without a mortgage. This proportion is now down to 31%

[ii]ABS  -A third of all private renters are long-term renters (defined as renting for periods of 10 years or more continuously), an increase from just over a quarter in 1994

[iii]ABS  – A drop of 49% to 33% between 1982 and 2008

[iv]ABS  – In 2009–10, 60% of lower-income rental households in Australia were in rental stress.

[v]AHURI 2013 – 28% increased demand for public housing projected by 2023

[vi]ABS  – Between 2006 and 2011 the rate of homelessness increased by 8% from 89,728 to 105,237

[vii]ABS  – The total number of people living in ‘severely’ crowded dwellings jumped 31% (or 9,839 people) to 41,370 from 2006 – 2011

Economic Nonsense – ICAC investigations – And The Inevitable Consequence For A Future Generation Of Renters And Homebuyers.

Economic Nonsense – ICAC investigations – And The Inevitable Consequence For A Future Generation Of Renters And Homebuyers. 

As we approach the Federal budget, once again we have to endure another round of economic nonsense, as the Treasurer tries to convince ‘ordinary’ Australian’s that the country is ‘running out of money’ – facing a ‘budget crisis.’

So ingrained is this message, that few question it.

Instead, Talk Radio is flooded with callers; outraged at the ‘debt burden’ they imagine will be passed onto their children. A lifetime of work and servitude lay ahead – not only charged with the responsibility of paying down their own debt – but the government’s debt as well!

For an administration that wants to retain leadership through blaming the last government for the ‘mess’ they’ve reputedly left us in, it’s a convenient message to sell.

“Fiscal responsibility” is the catch term of the day, cuts to health services, education, welfare, job seekers allowance, wages, and proposed ‘back to work’ assistance for those ‘laid off ‘ from the car industry – you name it, it’s on the table.

Everything that is, except the ‘golden egg’ of speculative windfall gains that can be gleaned from the game of ‘Monopoly’ – or to be more accurate – the increasing value of land

Unlike countries such as Germany, which have historically managed to divert speculation away from residential real estate, with the focus being on productivity instead. Here, we’re all subject to an economy, built on the retirement ‘wealth egg’ of land – our personal economic leverage for all lifestyle and business needs.

It used to be called ‘Monopoly.’ Today its termed – ‘Getting onto the Property Ladder.’

The rules of the game are simple. The player uses as much debt as they can borrow – to ‘buy and hold’ as much as they can – and those who ‘got in’ at the beginning of the lending boom, securing the ‘best’ plots available, win the game.

In relative terms, the ordinary homeowner doesn’t advantage much, but what else can they do? Retire still renting? Or become a contestant and hope their house yields enough ‘appreciation’ to support them when they retire. (But not so much that their children can’t get a foot onto the first ‘rung’ of course, and leave home before the age of 40.)

Our lives are therefore spent working to pay off a mortgage – or two. (That is, unless you’re an unlucky tenant who doesn’t have the funds to buy, in which case you play a game called ‘The Rental Trap.” )

The question we ask however is; ‘At what expense?’ – or perhaps “At whose expense?”

As demonstrated by a recent HIA report – land values continue to skyrocket – with the weighted median across all capitals during the final quarter of December 2013, rising to the;

“Highest level on record… a 22.3% increase on the final quarter of 2012.”

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Or perhaps it can be better illustrated on a graph Wendell Cox (author of the “Annual Demographica Housing Affordability Survey”) constructed which cuts through the usual measures used to convince readers that ‘housing has never been more affordable,” with overwhelming focus on mortgage serviceability rates alone.

Instead, it demonstrates the speculative nature shaping the property cycle, which affects not only established house prices, but building activity as lot sizes reduce, whilst land price per square meter, outpaces income growth considerably.

Screen Shot 2014-05-09 at 2.20.16 AM

As I said in my last column, whilst citing the political motivation behind housing policy; “The smoke screen debates on affordability and scrapping negative gearing, are just that” smoke screens. Something that was subsequently confirmed upon release of the Government’s Commission of Audit, which ruled out any consideration of a change to housing policy – better to tax income instead – easier for the top 10% to avoid it, whilst low to middle income earners suffer the shortfall.

Importantly, the Commission of Audit’s terms of reference was to concentrate on direct government expenditure – such as grants and transfer payments rather than tax expenditure – rebates, exemptions and so forth (such as negative gearing, capital gains.)

We ‘all’ have to shoulder the burden, tighten belts, work harder – pensioners included!

‘All’ that is, except those imposing the ‘rules’ – whose ‘entitlements’ are immune from any ‘fiscal responsibility.’

Yes – the Members of our Federal Government – the ‘issuers’ of our monetary supply, offset through taxing those who do have to ‘earn’ dollars before they can ‘spend’ it – whilst our Government ‘earns’ nothing – but is rather elected, and charged, to manage the budget in the best interests of its working population to promote economic growth – for which education, health, ‘back to work’ initiatives and so forth, are vital pillars.

There is no evidence and no economic wisdom, that indicates running a surplus under current conditions, would be good for the economy, especially if that surplus is to be achieved through the measures suggested. Rather, the Henry Tax review set out a framework of good economic management and this is what we should be moving toward.

Steve Keen in a recent lecture given in Sydney, does an excellent job of demonstrating the inevitable consequence to GDP when Governments attempt to pay down their own debt, whilst ignoring personal debt.

Economic orthodoxy, which stubbornly imposes austerity measures through the impost of onerous taxes on its working population, are foolhardy responses to a budget ‘crisis’ that that should have been learnt following the Great Depression in the 1930s.

There is nothing new about this – indeed, Australia’s oldest PhD at 93 – Dr Elisabeth Kirkby – has just written a 100,000 word thesis on it. And whilst valuable lessons reaped from the grains of history are ignored, the patterns that led to our greatest economic disasters are repeated.

What all demonstrate is, when the government tightens its belt, for no other reason than what appears to be a vein attempt to ‘spruik’ a surplus, it has the unwonted effect of withdrawing money from the economy – leaving the private sector (the working class population) to pick up the slack.

Therefore “repairing the [government] budget” with the claim it’s putting Australia “on the right track” – is not putting the fate of ‘Australian’s’ on the ‘right track.’

It is the Government’s responsibility to manage the monetary system for the needs of its population (whether surplus or deficit) – spending enough money into the economy to keep employment and productivity boosted, which by design, reduces pressure on the welfare state.

Yet it chooses instead to penalise productivity and ignore tax expenditures such as the capital gains exemption on owner occupied housing or scaling back negative gearing.

In this respect, it is economically irresponsible, is to have a growing deficit offset by tax receipts, that reward speculation and by consequence, widen the wealth gap between rich and poor.  Ironically, the very gap the tax and transfer system is supposed to narrow.

In other words, we are not burdening our children with debt – we are burdening them poor economic management

As austerity measures bite and the retirement age increases, the majority of Australian’s will be working longer and harder – and whilst the Government pays down its reputed ‘debt burden’ – private debt levels will continue to increase as families borrow to ‘afford’ the basic necessities they need, most likely leveraged against their own homes.

Notwithstanding, most of our debt (including foreign debt,) is bank created debt – arguably, a far greater concern than Government debt.

For those that need a reminder – as demonstrated in the latest ABS social trends report – total household debt was $1.8 trillion as at the end of 2013 – higher than it has been at any other time over the past 25 years.

Real Household Debt Per Person. ABS

household debt

Low interest rates aside – $1.8 trillion is a hefty figure.

To put it in some kind of context – a trillion, is a thousand billion.

The sun is set to burn out in approximately 5 billion years. A trillion is so large; it’s almost meaningless in real terms.

Total Government debt is around $542 billion (as at March 2014 – RBA) – that’s about 35% of GDP.

In contrast, our household debt to GDP ratio is estimated to be around 97% (as at December 2013 – RBA) – assisted by low interest rates and an array of financial products to ‘woo’ new borrowers into the property market (such as shared equity schemes, interest only loans, redraw facilities, offset accounts and so forth.)

Therefore instead of our current leaders asking Australian’s what they can do to assist Government debt. We should be asking the Government, what it will do to assist private debt? Particularly as we move forward over the next 12 months or so, and the lending cycle turns.

Capitalism?

Of course, this problem is not unique to Australia. Thomas Piketty’s book “Capital in the 21st Century” has just come out to great acclaim, choc full of statistics to demonstrate how income earners – the vast body of productive workers, who prop up the local economy through the taxes they pay and products they produce – are the losers, compared to those who hold stores of unproductive wealth.

The book focuses on the ‘1%ters’– advanced through gifts of inheritance – those who hold the vast majority of ‘assets.’ Controllers of the stock and bond markets – collecting their ‘economic rent’ by way of hording property, and effectively, ‘buying’ protection through lobbying seats of power

It’s an age old game, and in a world where gaining political leadership is only possible with vast sums of ‘advertising’ dollars, lobbying is crystallised into the system.

We’re currently seeing this with the ICAC investigation (link to Renegrade Economist interview well worth a listen,) as it uncovers a web of alleged political corruption, with illegal donations from property developers and other sources, funnelled into a Liberal Party slush fund.

Meanwhile, Clive Palmer has been accused of “spending money like a drunken sailor” to secure a third seat in Senate for his PUP party.

Palmer reportedly entered the leadership battle due to “poor policy decisions” by the Gillard Government – the ‘carbon tax’ in particular being highlighted, which promised to negatively impact his core business.

However, his other policy evaluations leave much to be desired

For example, Palmer’s ‘housing affordability’ plan, is to make home loans tax deductable for the first $10,000 – a move which will unquestionably push land prices higher, as future buyers factor the savings into their budget and adjust price expectations accordingly.

But then, considering Mr Palmer’s significant land holdings, which are said to include;

  • “A six bedroom, 11 bathroom, 22 car garage property in Queensland – along with;
  • An array of golf courses. As well as;
  • “Family and associates” owning a total of “11 homes in the Sovereign Islands” on the banks of the Southport Broadwater – as well as;
  • “Other known properties at Broadbeach Waters on the Gold Coast, Fig Tree Pocket in Brisbane, Jandowae on the Darling Downs, Queensland, and Port Douglas” and notwithstanding;
  • “An undisclosed number of properties held in trust for their daughter.”

I suspect lowering land values, may not be top of mind.

The wealth tax ‘solutions’ Piketty proposes to stop the ‘gap’ widening; fail not only by the confused definition of what one would consider ‘wealth.’ (A Rembrandt painting, or luxury Yacht for example?) But also that of ‘capital.’

In modern terminology, capital is used for anything that yields a profit – which under our current system includes land. However, in classical terms, capital is a factor of production – a depreciating asset and one, which can be reproduced.

In a society built on the foundation of ‘free markets,’ factors of production flourish under competition. If one widget costs too much, an entrepreneur will find an innovative way to produce the same widget at a cheaper price

It’s called capitalism.

Land however is not a factor of production. It can’t be moved or reproduced and it’s limited in supply. Therefore the revenue stream generated from the unimproved portion alone is due to its locational advantage, and little else.

The free market activities in a capitalist society, cause land values to increase – and considering this is through no act of individual exertion on the vendor’s side, but rather the collective efforts of the community, it makes sense that most consider owning a well located plot of land, better than both money in the bank and the wages they have to ‘earn.’

This is why increasing charges on the revenue stream ensuing from the locational value of land, and recycling it back into the community – (which is where it came from, and where it belongs) – by way of a tax shift off productivity (wages) and onto our valuable and limited natural resources – was termed the ‘least bad tax’ by the capitalists Milton Friedman and Winston Churchill – to name but a few.

Rising land values harm capitalism, they increase the rent for small business owners, always benefitting the landlord but never benefitting the wage earner. Furthermore, rising land values force young people out of the market, whilst making those ‘in’ the market wealthy – and widening the gap between ‘rich and poor.’

When land prices inflate, jobs are lost as more revenue is taken away from productivity and soaked into the ground.

It’s not called capitalism; it’s called capitalizing -‘taking advantage of’ community created revenue – the total of which is pocketed by the landowner.

This is why land prices are so high – and  ‘vested’ interests of policy makers always act to push them higher.

The great man Buckminster Fuller – architect, systems theorist, author, designer, inventor, and futurist – once said;

“You never change things by fighting the existing reality. To change something, build a new model that makes the existing model obsolete.” (H/T author of soon to be published book “Land” Martin Adams)

We live in a democracy, therefore any change to the status quo needs to come from the ground up – we will never get it from the top down.

The Henry tax review set out recommendations for transitioning our economy based on the ideas penned above.

How we get there is worthy of debate – however thankfully, due to the internet and a new age of enlightened ‘priced out’ folk, we can start that debate in 2016/17, by using our own preference and economic wisdom to vote a government which acts to widen the rich/poor divide out. By which time there ‘may’ (?) be better options to vote in.

Catherine Cashmore

People Power and Housing – Centre, Left, and Right.

People Power and Housing – Centre, Left, and Right.

The protests that washed across major cities and towns a few days ago, covered a wide variety of issues, yet underlying them all is dissatisfaction with both sides of politics and the frustration in the community that ‘voices’ are going unheard.

We’ve been used to seeing similar demonstrations across the austerity-ridden countries of Europe and the USA, and political clashes such as those in Russia and most recently Ukraine

Yet since the fall out of the last economic crisis, a concentrated outcry of public anger has penetrated democratic society and it’s not limited by ‘cause’ or segregated by age and status, but generated by the incredible impact of social media enabling a wide array of ordinary citizens to vent their concerns outside of sporadic government polls and the headline sensationalism of main stream media.

The natural limitation of Government is the inability to please all, and no one would expect as such.  In a democratic society, they’re elected to enact on the policies campaigned upon – asked to lead rather than follow and ensure citizens achieve a platform that assists in advancing equitable outcomes.

Albeit, it’s a brave Government that turns its head away from large vocal demonstrations, especially in an age where – through the connectedness of social media – they can be arranged at the drop of the hat, bypassing the usual bureaucratic process of writing to a local MP to highlight community disquiets, or publishing a letter in the local paper.

You can argue back and forth about the issues surrounding this latest public protest. Express outrage at the inconvenience incurred to the daily commute. Or even question its relevance considering we have not long elected the Coalition into power.  But when a wide makeup of individuals, from all sides of the political spectrum, takes to the streets – not on one agenda alone – but an array of disgruntlements.  It is no longer merely representative of a minority that sits on the fringes of society; it signifies a clear message of distrust – a potentially destabilising force.

“Cone of Silence”

Tony Abbot’s government made it clear upon election, that they intended to control the flow of information available for public discussion.

It wasn’t only displayed in the media restriction detailing daily boat arrivals, but in a large array of research undertaken by the previous administration, which has now been firmly locked into ‘archive’ status.

This would include two I’ve mentioned in recent columns – the National Housing Supply Council, and the year long study that formed the white paper into the “Asian Century,” which outside of general criticism, remains a useful tool of reference for Australia’s future demographic makeup.

So you could say that listening to the public voice, isn’t the current Government’s priority – but then, neither was it for the last.

Little if anything came from those reports.  The were good on content, but lacking in action – and much like the “2020” summit in 2008, the results can be summed up neatly by words from biographer, Nicholas Stuart, in ‘Rudd’s Way – November 2007 – June 2010;’

“….His rhetoric inspired and enthused voters. And yet …. and yet …. nothing happened.”

“Nothing happened” – because Governments too often bend the knee to those with the ability to influence political leadership and public opinion, rather than acting ‘democratically’ for all.

Housing policy alone aptly demonstrates this.

  • The tax and transfer system values owners over renters;
  • Encourages and rewards those who use the land as a speculative investment for personal gain;
  • Advantages giant corporations over independent businesses;
  • Widens the ‘wealth’ gap between rich and poor;
  • And hampers timely development of affordable housing; (to name only a few.)

When concerns are raised, our leaders spend a few wasted millions on comprehensive enquiries to ask ‘why?’- like some clueless high school student.

“What do we want?..”

These protests, whilst not directly about land prices, were about community and social justice, of which housing forms an indivisible part.

The list includes education – and as I’ve pointed out previously, high land prices directly contribute to what’s assessed to be the most segregated schooling system out of all members of the OECD countries.

Some of the highest land values are found in the best Government funded school catchment bands, and as an auctioneer proclaimed during his pre-amble in the McKinnon High School zone last week;

“There is no ceiling for house prices in this area.!.”  A bullish spruik if ever you heard one – but not far from truth.

Record prices continue to be regularly broken, affluent buyers continue to pay a premium.  Yet the price is effectively ‘free,’ because as the zone’s future vendor’s ‘speculate’ – if they hold onto the family home long enough – they are likely to receive a ‘windfall’ in unearned capital gains.

Social Justice? Hardly.

Unwonted robbery?

The community produces the gains through the tax-funded facilities. Whilst market forces drive prices higher, the unearned profit does not flow back to maintaining or upgrading those services – which is where it arguably belongs.

Instead it is privately capitalised– soaked into what is an irreplaceable, illiquid

and unproductive asset, thereby giving free leave for mounting property prices to continue, which, under the current system, grants a ‘tax free’ unearned reward to the owner occupier upon sale

The sell off of public services was also highlighted.  This too can also be associated with high land values, which have dictated what is assessed to be the more profitable offloading of the Millers Point public housing estate, rather than retaining its use for long standing residents, which, by definition, drives social polarization and housing inequality.

It seems in the land of a ‘fair go,’ only the affluent are allowed to advantage from a Sydney Harbor view.

Are They Listening?

Yet the indicators Government use to measure their performance whilst in power are meaningless to protesters, and in many respects, a 21st century economy.

They are no measure of happiness, or signal the worrying rise of mental illnesses such as depression.

Only by ‘hearing’ community voices, gives a clue to that.

GDP – the total value of all products and services bought and sold, a basic measure of money changing hands, does not distinguish between;

  • Productive or destructive activities,
  • Show who’s getting the lion’s share of wage increases, Or
  • Assess where those increases are being invested; (Which, considering housing (land) is currently estimated to be 300% of Australia’s GDP, gives some indication.)

Equally it gives no clue to the foundations of societal health – such as environmental concerns, access to education, or wealth inequality.

Yet these are the issues community wants to address – because these are the barometers that directly impact our quality of living.

Whilst GDP is an excellent measure of the amount of arguably unneeded ‘stuff’ changing hands, it’s also not up to the task of adequately measuring intellectual property, innovation and invention for example – such as the creation of a free app.

It may be concerned with the health of the economy, but as for the well-being of our 21st century community – it’s simply not up to the task.

Equally, unemployment figures are based on theoretical estimates, formulated by way of an extensive ABS survey, which aims to correlate the percentage of the labor force not actively employed, underemployed, or ‘participating.’

They are rolled out monthly, with the widely held ‘text book’ assumption (known as NAIRU) that, regardless of how many actually want to work, should Government pro actively attempt to lower the rate of unemployment below the desired level of “full employment”  – which in Australia, is assessed to be and ‘unemployment rate’ of roughly 5% – it would unwontedly induce inflation and destroy price stability.

A purported ‘fact’ that offers no comfort to those living on the poverty line of job seekers allowance.

This is also largely due to our flawed system of taxation – which places a levy on productivity, (such as income and payroll taxes,) unwontedly impeding the supply of goods and services, which in turn raises prices, feeding inflation and increasing the unemployment rate arguably ‘required’ to lower wages sufficiently to stabilize inflation

If we instead moved toward a system – and one, which was, at least in part, advocated by the Henry Tax review, and not withstanding, numerous other submissions from community advocates such as Prosper Australia, or the Land Values Research Group to various senate enquiries over the years. And taxed the unearned gains from land (as mentioned above,) rather than the earned gains from productivity.

It would (as has been proven historically) influence;

  • A reduction of social polarization – and therefore inequality.
  • Remove the needed ‘sell off’ of public services due to high land values.
  • Boost productive investment, assisting the job market and advancing competitiveness for small business.
  • Reduce the speculative element that drives land prices ever higher.
  • Provide a steady base of revenue to invest in public services as well as affordable housing, and;
  • Ensure infrastructure is built for need – full utilization of land encouraged – and land banking reduced.

Productivity Paradox

In light of all the above – it is remarkable that back in the 60’s and 70’s, discussion in the university lecture halls was centred on the ‘productivity paradox’ – correctly assuming it only a matter of time before all mankind’s basic needs could be largely fulfilled by robots (which they has been.)

Economists were deliberating what we’d do with all our leisure time when a full working week was no longer necessary!

A stark change from the current mode of discussion, which is consumed with how long past the age of 65, individuals will need to work in order to retire mortgage free, with enough left in the pot to afford the basic necessities of life, which in most cases, is inadequately funded by super annulation alone.

If it were possible to send the dog to work, we’d have already done so.

Community

Indeed our economy is not founded on the pillars of community and social justice, of which the protests are so concerned.

As admirable as numerous recommendations made to various senate enquiries into issues of inequality, affordability, finance, and environmental concerns have been, nothing has changed, because we have a lopsided economy, built on a $5.02 Trillion housing market ($4.1 Trillion of which is land) – and on this, and many other matters alone, a new generation of enlightened folk have clearly had enough.

High land values have played an important part in all the issues of social inequality highlighted above, of which I’ve provided ample evidence in previous columns.

Our major cities now exhibit what’s considered to be a very ‘non Australian’ style ‘English’ cultural class divide – as polarization between the asset rich and income poor expands.

The roll on effect impacts the environment, employment, education, and mental illness – as residents are forced into areas lacking in essential amenities – once again due to a flawed system of finance and housing policy.

To Conclude..

And so, when you start to see what is so beautifully highlighted using the maps below, which show where the affordable property was located in 2001 for low and middle income buyers, compared to 2011 in our major capitals, which hold the lion’s share of population.

(The yellow patches being affordable, and blue patches unaffordable.)

Sydney SP Brisbane SP Melbourne SP

And you read quotes from a long standing resident advocates, at the soon to be forced out Millers Point public housing facility, who rightly question;

“The government says their core business is not housing. But surely their core business must be communities….?!”

Then you start to get a grip on the central issues this protests represents;

March in March

And I would suggest – (as expressed on their website) – it really is “only the beginning.”

Catherine Cashmore

By Catherine Cashmore, a market analyst, journalist, and policy thinker, with extensive industry experience in all aspects relating to property. Follow Catherine on Twitter or via her Blog.

“The Marginal Buyer Of Sydney And Melbourne Real Estate Has Changed”

“The Marginal Buyer Of Sydney And Melbourne Real Estate Has Changed”

Investment bank ‘Credit Suisse’ couldn’t have coined it better when they asserted;

“The marginal buyer of Sydney and Melbourne real estate has changed, as have the drivers of property prices.”

The words are taken from their recent report on international investment into the Australian residential real estate sector, with the intention to highlight potential opportunities for future speculation.  And the statement is correct.

Anyone, who is in the business of buying or selling property, is acutely aware how the push and pull of both supply and demand in our property markets, has been markedly shaped by both a change in the local demographics of our nation, along with international competiveness in recent years.

The roll over influence on values in concentrated regions of our largest capital cities has, in some cases, been significant. And whilst it remains the subject of much angst for those priced out, I have yet to meet a seller who did not welcome this increased competition, or stage some sort of active public protest.

However, heated debate in the main stream media, around what has long been known in the industry, as little more than a ‘tick box’ formality, designed to detract from what remains a largely unaudited system of ‘non resident’ investment in Australian property – residential or otherwise – by the Foreign Investment Review Board, has been going on since 2008.

As property editor, Robert Harley recently pointed out in the AFR;

“…even the ‘experts’ find the FIRB annual report…. tardy, lacking in meaningful detail and hard to reconcile with their own experience… “

And as the fictional character “Chodley Wontok” discovered last year, claims in the foreign policy document that applications are reviewed against the “national interest,” on “a case-by-case” level, do not go so far as a mere passport or visa check!

However, the sheer hysteria around this subject needs to be bought under control.  And if we’re to make sure policies are correctly regulated and work in the national interest as ‘spruiked,’ the blame needs to be carefully targeted to areas of influence – namely, policy

Something the Government has to date, repeatedly failed to do.

A policy disaster.

Following the 2008 crisis, when Kevin Rudd decided to put in place measures to prevent any major deleveraging of household debt, one of these was to openly advertise ‘relaxed’ regulations around the acquisition of residential real estate for temporary residents, companies, and developers selling solely to overseas buyers.

Whilst the wisdom of such a move was debatable, what followed was a truly disastrous state of affairs

Attempts by Walkley Award winning journalist, Chris Vedelago, to obtain accurate data under the freedom of information act, to monitor the level of increased demand being widely asserted by industry advocates – was repeatedly frustrated.

According to the then Assistant Treasurer, Senator Nick Sherry, any effort to establish a greater understanding of the FIRB’s compliance system, was not in the public’s “best interest.”

Instead, the Government – then panicking over the consequential effect to their ratings in the polls – came up with the incredibly smart idea of a ‘dob-in’ hotline.

The hotline was designed to enable worried locals, to report those dubious looking foreign nationals, who were cleverly disguising themselves as local buyers and naughtily ‘bidding up’ neighbourhood prices.

That would put a stop to it! *Thought Kevin*

Unsurprisingly, from the limited number of calls received (although, once again, probably not from those vendor’s who were happily selling their properties in the rapid run up to the market peak of 2010,) most turned out to be Australian citizens and long standing permanent residents.  So, it did little – if anything – to stem the core of concern still prevalent within the community.

It is therefore of little surprise, that anecdotal stories from agents, who maintain official figures, are under reported and rules are being flouted, continue to carry more weight. And a debate, which now walks a fine line between being termed racist or otherwise – continues unabated

What’s going on?

Rising property prices – the product of the plot of land that sits underneath the structure – are unashamedly promoted in most modern economies, as the key driver to boost the privatised wealth of its nation, with the hope the payoff effect will feed other areas of consumption.

They are no longer just ‘national’ affairs, but open to international speculation and investment, of which Australia is by no means immune.

When the Federal Government states in its policy document that it “welcomes foreign investment” which

 “…has helped build Australia’s economy and will continue to enhance the wellbeing of Australians, by supporting economic growth and prosperity..”

You can assume toward the top of that list, is the investment into the land market – residential or otherwise.  And as official figures show, few – if any – applications are ever turned down and real estate captures the majority interest.

The recent recessions that have occurred in other countries as a result of their own residential speculative booms, have merely accentuated these international patterns of investment and migration.

For example, following the GFC, the number of foreign-born workers leaving Britain, rose by nearly 30%, as the Government set about removing 300,000 skilled jobs from the list of positions open to workers from outside the European Union – evidently fearing political backlash from somewhat unsubstantiated claims, that this was significantly ‘harming’ British jobs, and thus not aiding rising unemployment or the economy as a whole.

At the same time, distressed nations opened their doors to opportune investors from around the globe, who were encouraged to take advantage of now uniquely ‘cheap’ real estate markets, in a vein attempt to kick off a ‘recovery’ in their own local terrains.

It was only a few years ago, stories were littering the main stream media highlighting the surge of demand for USA properties, as ‘spruikers’ made benefit of our strong Aussie dollar, to lure local investors to purchase previously owner-occupied foreclosures, and instead, turn them into investor owned speculative rentals.

None of this has assisted the home buying sector in America’s property market.

Ownership rates continue to fall, and local buyers remain priced out.

But the Government cares little – the gains in property are the ‘silver lining’ Obama needs to maintain popularity. And he had no hesitation in boasting as such when he recently stated;

”Today, our housing market is healing!” (Healing!) “Home prices are rising at the fastest pace in 7 years…”

(Faster even than incomes it seems, with first homebuyers at their lowest level since the crisis began.)

Premium localities in the cities of New York and London are openly marketed as ‘safe havens’ for the internationally wealthy.  Isolated from the local economy, as local workers are forced out, and rumours of homes laying vacant for much of year provoke neighbourhood outrage.

It’s now reported, for every minute you spend on the three Underground stops between Earls Court and Sloane Square, property prices rise by £96,647.

However, (as with Australia,) outside of half hearted central bank ‘don’t spend too much’ warnings, there little rush to limit the inflationary rises.

This pattern is always the same.  It’s allowable to let productivity and industry fail whilst small businesses suffer, but woe to the Government who allows the privatised ‘wealth’ fund of its aging population endure any such demise.

Australia’s changing landscape

Australia is internationally marketed as the ‘lucky country,’ an economic star on the world stage, from which we derive much benefit.

Population growth throughout the GFC was barely dented – and like every other country, we tow away the poor, whilst targeting skilled migrants, or those with dollars to invest.

Over the last census period alone, Melbourne’s population expanded by nearly 355,000 new residents, and continues to grow at pace of roughly 2% per year.

Additionally, its population has grown in diversity, with the traditional European migrants of Greece and Italy falling as a proportion, whilst the growing number benefitting our shores now come from both China and India.

(Settlers = skilled and family reunion migrants, along with humanitarian visas and refugees)

Vic migration census period

The same trend is mirrored in NSW – projected to reach 8.4 million by 2060. Migrations to the famous harbour town also come increasingly from both China and India, as demonstrated below.

.nsw migration census period

When, under Julia Gillard, the Government commissioned a ‘White Paper’ on ‘The Asian Century’ designed to;

“…generate a set of general propositions to guide policy development over the long-term..”

The importance and potential magnitude of Asia’s dominance on the world stage was emphasised, by Julia Gillard when in a speech she asserted;

“We are now seeing the most profound rebalancing of global wealth and power in the period since the United States emerged as a major power in the world.”

No Kidding!

Indeed, it would be hard to over-estimate the economic force Asia holds for our local economy.

It will shape the most important social, cultural, business, domestic and foreign policy implications we will face in the decades to come.

By 2025 the Asian region will account for almost half of the world’s output and also be the world’s largest consumer – and if we play our cards right, Australia is best placed to advantage.

It’s not just the 1% of billionaires seeking out safe haven’s abroad, in what’s been termed the “largest and most rapid wealth migrations of our time.” But the rise of China’s ‘Consumer Class’ – ‘middle income’ individuals, discretionary spenders, whose wealth goes largely under-reported in a  “grey economy” of illegal and quasi-legal activities.

If trend continues, in a few years, China will become the world’s richest country, and India won’t be far in its wake.

The number of Asian students studying on our shores is at record highs.

Trade flows, research and business development, education, tourism, and increased levels of migration have benefitted us significantly in recent years – and the potential to capitalise on the productive sectors of our economy remain.

Whilst the Gillard Government’s white paper – now firmly locked into “archive status,” – remains a useful form of reference.  It was widely criticised at the time, for its vague approach as yet ‘another’ study, which like a PHD paper, is good in content, but lacks any hint of direct action.

It claimed that Australian manufacturing was expected to ‘grow,’ with wishy-washy advice on how firms must;

‘”..adapt by anticipating changes in their markets, building the talents of their people and constantly innovating and lifting their productivity”

Claims, which now seem laughable.

We allowed the profits from the ‘once in a century’ mining boom to fall into private hands.

As Sydney Morning Herald’s Economics Editor Ross Griffiths recently clarified in his commentary on Abbott’s efforts to remove the ‘mining tax.’

“There is a lot of ‘unearned’ economic rent associated with the exploitation of limited mineral deposits,” and countries like Australia would be “mugs not to tax much of that rent rather than letting largely foreign companies walk away with most of it.

‘Mugs’ we are.

But what about land?

Asia’s influence is marketed as positive news, however, the one area that receives the most overwhelming negativity, it its influence on our real estate market, precisely because of the some of the issues hinted in the paragraph above.

We have little, if any, understanding of the accumulated wealth being brought into the country, and recent settlers have little experience with the local market, or misleading practices surrounding real estate price quoting.

This lack of transparency and education within the industry itself needs addressing, however, it’s a subject I’ll explore further in another column.

The geographical location of land is fixed and limited in supply. Therefore we can’t all benefit from economic advantage gained from ownership of the best seats in town, without effective taxation of the resource that is.

A correctly administered broad based land value tax (as explained here – reducing taxes on productivity) would not only encourage the ‘good’ utilisation of land, but if handled efficiently, gains could be fed back into the community to assist increased investment into infrastructure and social services

This would further aid both the expansion and development of our cities, with the flow on effect ideally taking the speculative element out of the housing market, and assist in reducing its destructive influence on prices.

This alone, would go a long way to reducing the wealth inequality currently experienced in our big cities.

Presently, we’re doing a great job of building an abundance of cheap, high density, and no so inexpensive apartment blocks, full of small one and two bedroom flats, often no more than 60 square metres inside. Great for student renters – but do little to meet the needs of our biggest residential sector – family buyers with children.

Therefore, the above issues, all need to be tackled from ground up policy reform – significantly on the supply side.

Offshore investment must be solely channelled into creating new supply – and audited to ensure the conditions stated in current laws, are being adhered to.

I’m not holding my breath, but hopefully some of these will be explored in detail and ‘maybe’ go so far as being implemented following the Senate Enquiry later this year.

We can’t – and wouldn’t want to – stop migration.  But we can ensure wealth invested in our established real estate market, is utilised effectively.

Catherine Cashmore

It’s Time Australian’s were allowed to make an Educated Choice – “Questions & Answers.”

It’s Time Australian’s were allowed to make an Educated Choice 

“Questions & Answers.”

Australia – an economic ‘star’ performer…. but are we happier for it?

By any comparative measure, the Australian economy has performed remarkably well over the last two decades.

Strong gains in the labor force throughout the 1990’s, rapid population growth and a surge in the value of key commodity exports through the 2000s.

Resilient wage inflation duly capitalised into rising property prices, by way of a dramatic and accelerated run up of household debt in the lead up to the GFC.  All of which was buffered and prevented from any significant deleveraging, by the Rudd administration in 2008, when he threw sizeable cash handouts to families along with infrastructure investment to avoid plunging Australia into a technical ‘recession.’

From this alone, our economic platform is deserving of the title “The world’s ‘star performer.”

However, whilst we may stand out in the wealth stakes, we’re not a happier nation for it.

Last week Q&A featured a question from a young Australian and recent school leaver which touched on the sensitive subject of depression asking

  • What can the Government do to “fix it?”

Like every other Western nation, Australia has experienced a sharp rise in the number of people suffering depressive illness over the last decade, with the average onset of the disease moving downwards in terms of age, since the 1990’s.

Organisations such as Beyond Blue report that more than one in five Australian’s experienced depression, anxiety, or both, over last past year, and as the gentleman stressed, he was no exception.

The comments that followed were sensitive in nature – focusing primarily on individual treatment and prevention within the health system. And whilst the cause of depression is both complex and varied, the first acknowledgement on what the Government could do ‘collectively,’ came from Clive Palmer;

“We need to have some sort of vision..”  Said Mr. Palmer “Create an environment that makes people realise the world is not as bad as we think it is… if you cut things, if you cut budgets, if you take things from people, you make them more worried about the future, and more uncertain”

This was reiterated by Ged Kearny, President of the Australian Council of Trade Unions;

I get very concerned when I hear about cuts to public healththey’re just another barrier to person, particularly a young person, getting help..”

They are appropriate observations considering our rising population, skewed toward an aging demographic, which by its very nature will necessitate additional funding over the next decade into both health and education.

So, it was somewhat unfortunate, at the same time panellists were discussing cuts, Prime Minister Tony Abbott was giving a speech to the Australian-Canada Economic Leadership Forum in Melbourne, hinting at just this – as summarised bluntly by Christopher Pyne, Minister for Education;

“[The Prime Minister] said that the current growth in education and health expenditure was unsustainable, and that is true.”

What’s Tony Abbott’s ‘vision’ for economic growth?

“You can’t spend money until you’ve earned it! – Or until you have the means to pay it back!”

Was the cautionary opening statement Mr Abbott posed.

It’s a somewhat startling assertion considering it comes from the ‘issuers’ of our monetary supply, offset through taxing those who do have to ‘earn’ dollars before they can ‘spend’ it – whilst our Government ‘earns’ nothing – but is rather elected, and charged, to balance the budget in the best interests of its working population to promote economic growth – for which education and health are vital pillars.

Abbott goes onto say – the “best” way to build a “stronger economy” is for Australia to once again; “Enjoy a surplus!”

Which may lead you – (like me) – to wonder how exactly the average private household will “enjoy” this surplus, considering we have the highest unemployment rate since 2003, along with an increase in those registering as “long term” unemployed, up 13.5% since January 2013, and more part time jobs being created than full time?

In Victoria – where manufacturing industries are concentrated – unemployment is at its worst level since 2002, whilst youth unemployment – which represents the demographic driving the future of our economy – has reached a ‘crisis’ point.

Just over 12% of young people between the ages of 15 and 24 are currently out of work.

Regional localities reflect the worst – 20% in Cairns and Tasmania, 18% to 19% in north Adelaide, 17% in Western Sydney, the Illawarra, parts of Melbourne and regional Victoria – with the trade off being the increased cost of metropolitan accommodation for those “job seeking” in capital cities.

Additionally, the latest “ABS labour price index” records wage growth at its lowest level on record – climbing just below the rate of inflation for the last calendar year – whilst the cost for ‘essentials’ such as health, childcare, utility services, and petrol, in some areas, has reached record highs.

Considering our household debt to disposable income has barely deleveraged since property prices hit their peak in 2010 – the very talk of reaching a surplus within ‘3 years’ – particularly by way of cuts to essential services, or even the increased number relying on job seekers allowance – is foolhardy,

When the government tightens its belt, the private sector picks up the slack – therefore  “repairing the [government] budget” with the claim it’s putting Australia “back on the right track” – is not putting the fate of ‘Australian’s’ on the ‘right track.

Austerity, at a time of rising unemployment, does not lead to “productive” economic growth.  And from depression and unemployment statistics alone, it seems Australian’s are not ‘enjoying’ a return to surplus.

They’re are working longer, retiring later and in the face of rising unemployment, the only ‘vision’ the working population seemingly have to hold to, is more of the same.

So what are we left with?

After 30 years of demise, the manufacturing industry is in the depths of recession.

Retail is losing the battle to the “World Wide Web,” and residential construction is still struggling to pick up the cyclical slack created by the mining sector.

Abbotts “infrastructure promise” to speed up the flow of money from Canberra into the states, to upgrade road and rail projects, is positive news and sorely needed, however, remember where those gains will be most acutely felt.

Without effective land value taxation, the investment creates the ‘future speculative hotspots,’ where the improvements will be capitalised into rising land values, rather than fed back into servicing, maintaining, and further extending essential community facilities.

Land is an absolute necessity to all commercial and personal needs, therefore as land values rise; it will affect a continued strain on business and productivity, and once again, we’re stimulating the cost of irreplaceable fixed assets, rather than the employment sectors needed to underpin a longer trajectory of economic growth.

But this is what Australia is remarkably good at – creating a booming land market.  We’re right up there with the world’s best performers.

The housing bubble success story…

Following a rapid 12-month cyclical upswing of housing inflation, residential real estate prices are once again reaching their 2010 peak.

Outside of normal ‘corrective’ downturns, we’re continually lectured by an overcrowded mass of vested industry commentary, our housing market can ‘never fail’ – or certainly not to the extent suggested by personalities such as ‘Harry Dent,’ or respected Australian economist Professor Steve Keen, who are quickly bundled into the same category and labelled as nothing more than irresponsible ‘fear mongers’ for implying as such.

Our commentators waste no time offering their own economic analysis of ‘property cycles,’ which unfortunately missed any prediction of the subprime crisis – but that’s ‘OK’ because the Australian market didn’t ‘crash,’  – they didn’t predict a ‘crash,’ – credibility restored.

Albeit, housing affordability for both renters and homebuyers, has rarely escaped headline news since before the last election, and whilst to a limited extent we seemed to have progressed past the point in which rising prices are marketed as overwhelming ‘positive’ news, it certainly hasn’t destroyed the myth that they’re somehow ‘good’ for the long term health of our nation, as owners leverage off the so-called ‘wealth’ effect – relying on the unearned equity in their housing investments to fund both lifestyle and commercial activities

Australia’s biggest employer – aged related care (the health and social Assistance industries) – derives a large percentage of its funding from people selling their housing, which their children additionally hope to inherit to assist their own journey onto the ‘ladder’ – and the perpetual fear of any downturn in established values has painted the government into a corner.

Is the housing market on Rocky Roots?

Yet, fear mongering or not, we know from the above statistics alone, the estimated $5 trillion worth of wealth contained in the house and land market is sitting on rocky roots.

It’s no longer supported by the boom of productive activity and wage growth that assisted in generating the inflation during the 1990s and 2000s – producing the ‘strong’ monopolised banking sector which capitalised on the mortgage market as a population of buyers and speculative investors rapidly expanded.

Outside of future prospected wage increases, significant gains are only achievable by manipulating demand side stimulants, tapping into foreign investment, (currently driving the inner city apartment and development market,) whilst limiting effective and feasible ‘cheap’ supply – which the Government has successfully achieved to date, by way of policies such as negative gearing, first home buyer grants, and a truly diabolical record of supply side reform.

As mentioned in one of the most recent submissions to the Senate’s Housing affordability enquiry, by Prosper Australia, “It took forty years from 1950 to 1990 for housing prices to double, but only fifteen years between 1996 and 2010 to double again.” And whilst most will agree growth may be more ‘subdued’ as we continue, it’s imperative we highlight the destructive nature of this system, which isn’t assisting making us a ‘happy’ nation, and for a moment, stand back and take stock.

Ask yourself a Question..

Just for the moment, forget the raft of industry commentary and the prospected ‘dates’ for the next ‘crash’ predicted by Harry Dent – and ask yourself a question;

  • What will the next decade bring?

If through manipulation alone, Australia manages to achieve ‘more of the same’ and keep the housing boat afloat;

  • What will the consequential effect be on small business and industry?
  • Who will benefit most?
  • Will it be your Children who have to save even longer to get on the ladder
  • Or their Children who will need to save longer still?

Remember – if we were to have a crash, it’s not the wealthy that will suffer – it’s ordinary working families who are then left in a position where they’re unable to borrow to take advantage of lower prices.

Is the future, long-term wealth inequality?

The ‘boom/bust’ land cycle, better known as the ‘property clock’ – which we’re told by industry advocates, is the ‘best’ way to build the individual ‘wealth’ of its nation, is a system which derives its very existence from a long drawn out process, which ultimately accentuates inequality, always marginalizing those at the bottom of the income stream, whilst advantaging those at the top – as I explained here.

Nowhere is the divide between rich and poor more evident than the speculative land market, – which results in a slow process of social polarisation which in Australia, has given us a segregated schooling system where social disadvantage in education is stronger here than any other comparable western nation.

Whilst inequality in wages and business activity can be equalised through competitive activity, land – by its very nature – is ‘fixed’ in supply, and therefore the only ‘cure’ to rising prices in a soft economic environment, is the produce of ‘additional’ supply.

Meeting that demand by extending ‘upwards’ is a challenge. Land values in the inner suburbs are already high – and although it can assist the needs of apartment dwellers, investors, student renters, and to a degree, downsizers – family buyers (our largest home buying demographic) have no option but to head to the fringe if it’s affordability they’re after.

But, due to ineffective tax and supply policy, the Fringe suburbs, which capture the bulk of our city’s population growth, do not have the funding needed to facilitate ‘urban sprawl’ – hence the process of social polarisation.

They have the highest concentration of mental illness – such as obesity and depression – and prices are further manipulated by larger developers who ‘drip feed’ their stock onto the market, of which the Government currently has no control.

Not politically ‘sellable?’

From the time a child learns to enjoy a family game of ‘Monopoly,’ Australians are nurtured on a system that teaches the key to building wealth, is through the leverage of ‘capital growth’ in land values, therefore, none of this is easy to change.

To do so, requires complete structural reform of land value taxation and housing supply policy – therefore we’re told it’s not politically ‘sellable.’

The most solid prediction of the year? 

The most most solid prediction of 2014 to date, is the one that will result from the Senate’s housing affordability enquiry.

After the numerous submissions have been tabled and discussed. The question I stressed in my own submission will remain unanswered;

  • “Will the Government allow land values to drop?”

Assuming this is correct, then Prime Minister Tony Abbott has a care of duty to explain to the public directly, how the ‘propping’ up of the current status quo, will continue to erode the opportunity of future generations.

He must explain how the Government’s failure to provide effective land value taxation and supply side reform to lower land prices, will lock them into longer mortgages, a life times worth of double income debt, push more into ‘long term tenancy,’ and additionally, point out how the current system enhances poor education and health outcomes, social polarisation, and places a strain on core productivity.

Your choice!

Ultimately the choice lay with the voting population, and in a country that holds to the motto of  ‘a fair go’ – I expect clearly evidencing the consequences of our current housing market, will be a lot less ‘sellable’ than educating how we can establish a sustainable approach which – if handled correctly reducing taxes on productivity – will ultimately make each and every one of us better off.

It’s time we allowed Australians to make an educated choice.

Catherine Cashmore

 

 

 

The Tale of One Auction – and its impact on the ‘Welfare State’

The Tale of One Auction – and its impact on the ‘Welfare State’

A few weeks ago, I attended an auction in a popular suburb of Melbourne’s inner east

The home was an attractive four-bedroom townhouse on roughly 260 square metres of land, and initially quoted at $700,000 ‘plus’ – very typical of the type of accommodation featured in the area.

As is commonly the case in Melbourne, the quote was ‘stepped up’ in the final week of the campaign to ‘$750,000 ‘plus’ – albeit, the listing agent informed me more than once he had $800,000 “covered” and a mere blink at recent comparable sales, indicated a price well in excess of $850,000, or even $900,000, considering the level of demand and lack of comparable listings being marketed.

This was confirmed during the auction, when a neighbour I’d casually interacted with, leaned over, and in little more than a whisper, told me “I know the vendor – she wants $1 Million” and considering the property didn’t reach its reserve until $900,000, I suspect she was correct.

With competition from nine bidders, the property sold in front of a crowd of 100 or so for $1,011,000, and the agent, delighted with the result, wasted no time swooping in on the ones who missed out, to share information of ‘similar’ listings currently for sale.

Needless to say, it’s a story that drives many Australian’s irate, with the focus inevitably aimed at the misleading way in which it was quoted – which is an issue I’ll explore further in another column. However, this isn’t what should drive our sense of injustice to kick into gear.

The Undeserving Poor..

Debate is currently rife in Australia surrounding the ‘relentless’ costs of our welfare system, with social services minister Kevin Andrews heralding it ‘unsustainable,’ whilst looking for ways the government can cut entitlements to the ‘undeserving’ poor.

The review has concentrated primarily on disability payments, and Newstart ‘job seekers’ allowance, which keeps the ‘income-less’ in relative poverty.

“Work is the best form of welfare!” was the statement Mr Andrews used, and considering the uptick in unemployment, with industries such as Ford, Alcoa, Qantas, SPC, Sensis, Telstra, Shell and Toyota, moving jobs and business off shore. A fall in the participation rate – due in part, to an asset rich, income poor retiring population – and a rise in part time and casual positions over that of full time, concerns are warranted.

In the 2013-14 Budget, the Government correctly stated that, “Australians value a fair society” and underlined its commitment to a tax system that provides a strong and stable funding stream for important public services such as “health, education and, Disability Care” whilst “rewarding innovation and productivity,” for economic growth.  And on an international scale, our tax-transfer system is perceived as ‘comparatively’ generous.

According to the OECD, Australia’s ‘Robin Hood’ economy redistributes more to the poorest 5% of the population than any other member country, whilst the much-criticised policies of ‘middle class welfare’ are seemingly the lowest.

We’re deemed to have the most “unique” and “target efficient” social security benefits in the OECD, apparently yielding “significant gains” to both the economy and society, and when compared to the USA which has the highest income inequality amongst the ‘rich’ nations by some significant degree, we look comparatively ‘healthy.’

Yet, despite its many reforms, and varying degrees of success, shaped in part by demographic changes (more women entering the labour force for example,) and a small reduction in high end salaries during the GFC – widening disparities between incomes have continued unabated since the mid 1990s, and as the labour market struggles, there’s nothing to suggest the trend will stop.

Mind the Gap..

There are all sorts of reasons to narrow the gap between the rich and poor, and prevent an ever-widening chasm – significantly, the way that income is invested into the economy and the roll over effect to society.

Income inequality and economic growth can only work hand in hand, when individuals are enabled to strive for greater heights from a foundation of equal opportunity – the basis of which is education.

As economist and inequality expert Andrew Leigh commented late last year;

“Education is the greatest force that we’ve developed, not only for boosting productivity, but also for making Australia more equal” ensuring “the circumstances in which you’re born don’t determine the circumstances in which you die.”

Yet our schooling system is becoming increasingly segregated. The correlation between poor performance and social disadvantage are stronger here than any other comparable western nation.  If our tax and transfer system were meant to offset this, you’d have to assess its been an abject failure.

Why?

Australia has enjoyed a period of economic prosperity, which over the last 23 years has been nothing short of remarkable.  According to Credit Suisse ‘Annual Global Wealth Report,’ we’re the “richest people in the world,” with a median wealth ‘each’ of US $219,500.

Over the past year alone, Australia added an estimated 21,000 millionaires to the population. Yet, contrary to what the textbook version of economic theory would have you believe – household savings, reaped from an economy surfing the wave of a commodity boom, have not flowed into business investment, or nurtured productivity and education standards in the young.

As noted in the Credit Suisse assessment, our ‘riches’ are “heavily skewed towards real assets” a manifestation of “high urban real estate prices” acquired and generated through the destructive cyclical impacts of a property market, which, as I emphasised last week, sees the gains from income growth and investment, flow directly back to the land.

Both homeowner and speculator..

Home ownership is seen as one of the great pillars of our collective culture.  It’s assessed to improve health and school performance in children, activate social engagement as well as reduce local crime.

However, the way we go about promoting ownership, is to nurture a system that teaches rising land values – outside of any productive activity such as renovation or effective utilisation of the resource – is due reward for having saved hard and got onto the ‘ladder’ in the first place.

Our tax system is skewed toward ownership, with policies, that according to last year’s Grattan report, provides potential benefits to homeowners worth $36 billion a year, or $6,100 on average per ‘household’ through items such as capital gains and pensioner eligibility test exemptions. Investors (or those choosing to rent and invest) reap $7 billion a year, or $4,500 on average ‘each,’ by way of negative gearing rules and the capital gains discount introduced in 1999. Whilst renters, one in four households, see no gain – unless their income is low enough to require welfare assistance.

In effect, we’re an economy that relies on ever-rising values of irreplaceable fixed assets, to fund the individual wealth of its nation – and this is only achievable if policies are in place to ensure values remain high and climbing, and debt levels ‘affordable.’

Capital growth..

Speculation and investment are two sides of the same coin. When we assess a good business model for example, we speculate that the productive activity that flows from that investment, will build on a growing base of demand, and through competition and diversity, go onto produce a profit.

Yet the ‘Capital Growth’ in land values does not occur by way of some abject force of nature. Everything that makes our cities ‘liveable’ comes from the collective ‘investment’ of our taxpayer dollars – which we ‘grudgingly’ pay in the first place, to provide the social amenities needed to form the base from which we can all progress.

This would include, community services such as, transport, parks, roads, trains, trams, medical facilities, and most importantly, schools.

Yet, it is also these facilities that produce the needed demand for real estate that pushes values upwards.  Not through the efforts of the individual homeowner, but the productive efforts of the taxpayer – renter, homeowner and investor alike.

Housing on its own is worth nothing without the infrastructure that surrounds it and rising land values are ‘reward’ for nothing other than unwontedly buying into a system that – under the current structure – promotes inequality and forces social polarisation.

Unlike our business model above, we can’t ‘make’ more land in a particular location to fulfil the demand produced from the facilities our tax system both funds and maintains.  Therefore effective utilisation of the resource is vital.

However, the speculative process alone, along with the added impact of a tax system that impedes turnover by way of stamp duty at one end, and capital gains at the other, simply feeds a process of hording.

This is because most advantage best from investment into housing through the process of “buy and hold” – leveraging the ‘equity’ to produce needed funds, rather than selling. A system that drives underutilisation and ‘land banking.’

But land is fixed in location; therefore we must always ‘hop’ over it to find the next predicted ‘hot spot’ to raise our families, until this too becomes out of reach through the process described above – like a cruel game of musical chairs.

Back to the beginning. 

Let’s go back to the case study I cited at the start of this article.  The reason the four-bedroom townhouse attracted such strong demand in the first place, is because it’s located in a top government school zone.

Only high-income earners can afford to live in this zone, and no doubt they feel – through their income tax contributions alone – they pay their fair share toward facilitating the opportunity for their children to obtain that higher education. As the OECD said, our tax and transfer system is high progressive – the “rich” pay more.  Or do they?

Allowing for stamp duty, the new owner who purchased the townhouse would have paid $1,066,605 yet despite two years of effectively ‘stagnant’ growth in 2011/2012, the median price in the suburb has escalated close to 60% from $850,000 in December 2009, to $1,355,000, therefore they probably assess it a ‘worthy’ investment.

As for those who arrived early in the process, to paraphrase what one homeowner relayed to me some time back – she has earned more from the ‘capital growth’ of her home over the past 10 years or so, than she has in earnings.

Outside of a ‘crash’ or the demise of the education facilities provided, there is nothing to suggest prices in this school zone will drop. From the tight zoning regulations alone, and rising population of immigrants and local buyers looking to advance their children’s education, the very ingredients to attract a consist source of buyer demand are set in place – and rents will rise accordingly.

The taxpayer continues to subsidise the school, whilst the gains are capitalised in rising land values, which flow directly to the individual homeowner not the school or community, keeping values high and placing further pressure on the public purse to fund additional services, whilst underfunded schools, in the over populated ‘fringe’ suburbs, start to produce an English style education ‘class divide.

Under such a system, we are not subsidising the ‘poor,’ we are ‘paying’ the wealthy.  Yet, it’s clear, if we’re to navigate the structural changes ahead and keep unemployment low, whilst at the same time, reduce the projected burden on the ‘welfare state,’ our economy is reliant on maintaining a highly skilled work force, and for this to occur, an elevated level of tertiary education and business investment is vital.

A better model of ‘Welfare..’

Notwithstanding, the correct way to fund local schools would be via broad based and effectively administered land value taxation, which in its purest form – as advocated by the Classical Economist, Henry George – would result in a single tax on the unimproved value of land to replace all other taxes, which hamper productivity – significantly income tax.

George’s ideas won favour amongst many, including the great economist and author of “Capitalism and Freedom” Milton Friedman as well as other influential figures including Winston Churchill, Adam Smith, and more recently, Chief economics commentator at the ‘Financial Times’ Martin Wolf, and author and economist Fred Harrison – aalthough, notwithstanding, a single tax would be unlikely to hold water in current political circles.

The Henry tax Review commissioned by the Government under Kevin Rudd in 2008 concluded that “economic growth would be higher if governments raised more revenue from land and less revenue from other tax bases” proposing that stamp duty (which is an inconsistent and unequitable source of revenue) be replaced by a broad based land tax, levied on a per-square-metre and per land holding basis, rather than retaining present land tax arrangements.

Whilst arguments over school funding will likely continue, centred in the political battle over funding of the suggested Gonski reforms. Unless we narrow the gap in education, we’ll never narrow the broadening gap in income, and consequently, the growing burden on our welfare state.

Therefore – when times comes that the ‘chatter’ around affordability, finally evolves into ‘real’ action – a broad based LVT should form an important part of both the debate, and solution.

Catherine Cashmore

Regular journalist, blogger, advocate, policy thinker, and well know media commentator for all things property. www.catherinecashmore.com.au, @ccashmore_buyer.